Women in Iran Defy Mullas

The regime in Tehran is increasingly feeling the pressure, but not from sanctions or the threat of a military strike.
It’s a vibrant and growing fashion scene, one that enables Iranians to defy the strict religious leaders who have ruled the nation with an iron fist since the 1979 revolution.

Many young Iranians have become emboldened in how they walk the streets, showing an affinity for Western clothing, jewelry, makeup and hairstyles. But it is more than just a fashion statement, say Iranians. It's a political statement.

“Violating the dress code is another way young Iranians can express political dissent,” said journalist and political activist Mansoureh Nasserchian.

Since the 2009 uprisings, when Iranians flooded the streets of Iran protesting the corruption of their government in the aftermath of former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s contested re-election, the world was introduced to a new brand of Iranians influenced by social media and Western styles and ideologies, according to Nasserchian, who left the nation in 2002, then returned for a time right around the uprisings.

Wedding Night

On a dusty morning in the holy city of Qom, I went looking for a shrine in a walled cemetery of martyrs known as Sheikhan. The graveyard's walls are lined with glass cases containing the framed photos of soldiers felled by the Iran-Iraq war. The shrine, I'd been told, is a hangout for women seeking temporary marriage, an intriguing mechanism in Shiite Islam for relieving sexual frustration.

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, sex outside of marriage is a crime, punishable by up to 100 lashes or, in the case of adultery, death by stoning. Yet the purpose of a temporary marriage is clear from its name in Arabic—mut'a, pleasure. A man and a woman may contract a mut'a for a finite period of time—from minutes to 99 years or more—and for a specific amount, mehr in Farsi, which the man owes the woman.
Inside the shrine, I struck up a conversation with a 55-year-old woman and asked whether she had ever contracted a temporary union. She had. A man in white clerical robes standing nearby seemed to perk up, so we moved aside for privacy, sitting cross-legged on the ground. The woman, a widow, asked that I use only her first name—Robabeh.

Six years earlier, Robabeh was leaving Sheikhan when a young man introduced himself. They chatted, and Robabeh learned that he was a seminary student. She told him she wanted to go on a pilgrimage to Syria. The student, 25 years her junior, promised to take her, proposing a sigheh, the Farsi word for a temporary marriage. Robabeh agreed, and they negotiated terms: eight months, and the mehr would be a trip to Syria.

Robabeh's black socks and thick rubber sandals peeked out from under her black head-to-toe chador. (It is rumored that women at shrines wear chadors inside out to signal their availability for temporary dalliances.) The only adornment on her kindly, owlish face was a pair of round black glasses. "My children asked where I was going," she said, laughing. "I told them I was going as a cook." Robabeh said that after being a widow for four years, she enjoyed the company and the opportunity to travel—not to mention the physical benefits. She considers the temporary marriage a blessing, even though she has kept it secret. "People say it's bad," she said. "Although it's in the Koran and people know about it, they still feel ashamed about doing it." However, Robabeh said she has no regrets, adding firmly, "I liked it."

Nuclear Deal Opponents

Iran’s supreme leader challenged on Thursday two of the United States’ bedrock principles in the nuclear negotiations, declaring that all economic sanctions would have to be lifted on the day any agreement is signed and that military sites would be strictly off limits to foreign inspectors.
The assertions by the leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, could be tactical, intended to give both the negotiators and himself some political space to get hard-liners and others slowly accustomed to the framework of a deal with the United States and other world powers — reached just a week ago — that would guarantee that Iran will not make nuclear weapons. But they also illustrated the difficult hurdles that lie ahead.
In his remarks, Mr. Khamanei also strongly criticized Iran’s regional competitor, Saudi Arabia — calling its new leaders “inexperienced youngsters” — a sign of rising regional tensions that could pose another threat to the negotiations, even as diplomats strive to keep the issues on separate tracks.

Ayatollah Khamenei was speaking about the nuclear talks for the first time since the framework agreement was struck in Lausanne, Switzerland. He said he saw no need to make a clear pronouncement on the agreement, because no signed agreement yet existed.
“There was no need to take a position,” he said. “The officials are saying that nothing has been done yet and nothing is obligatory. I neither agree nor disagree.”

But he emphasized his longstanding position about the sanctions, saying that they “should be lifted all together on the same day of the agreement, not six months or one year later.”
“If lifting of sanctions is supposed to be connected to a process, then why do we negotiate?”
The Iranian president, Hassan Rouhani, who spoke at a different event on Thursday, echoed the supreme leader’s remarks but with a potentially crucial difference, saying the sanctions have to be lifted on the day a deal is put in place, potentially months after a signed agreement.
“We will not sign any agreement, unless all economic sanctions are totally lifted on the first day of the implementation of the deal,” Mr. Rouhani said during a ceremony for Iran’s nuclear technology day, which celebrates the country’s nuclear achievements.

Students Separated

Growing separation of genders in Iran
Iran has stepped up gender separation in universities, with a number of universities already announcing that men and women will be taught in separate classes, and the government saying further requests by universities would be looked on positively.
President of Allameh Tabatabai University in Tehran, Seyed Sadredin Shariati, announced in January that separation of men and women would be implemented for subjects with large numbers of students.

In a bid to dispel fears that the university might provide a lower quality education to women, he stressed it did not mean separate courses, rather separate teaching for men and women in different classes.
Male and Female students in Iran already sit in separate rows in lecture theatres and classrooms. University libraries and canteens also have segregated areas.

Reza Ameri, general director of supervision and evaluation of higher education in the Ministry of Science, said last week that the ministry would create separate-gender institutions in areas where there was "demand".
In remarks carried in the official Mehr news agency, he said education in Iran in the 21st century had to respond to "different tastes and demands".
Ameri said segregation was already underway in some colleges in Tehran, and that more applications (from universities) for separate classes would be considered.

He revealed that there had already been requests to the ministry for separate-gender institutions in the Iranian capital, and in the religious cities of Qom and Mashhad.
Ferdowsi University's department of Engineering in Mashhad imposed segregation on more than 49 general and laboratory courses from the start of the new academic term this year, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran (ICHRI) reported in January. Last year only a few general courses at Ferdowsi, such as general mathematics and physics, imposed separate classes for men and women.

Basiji Woman

The Basij were initially engaged in assisting the Revolutionary Guards and the Revolutionary Committees (disbanded in the early 1990s) to secure law and order in major population centers. The auxiliary military unit also aided the central government in fighting against Baluchi, Kurdish and Turkoman separatists in remote regions. But their role shifted after Iraq’s 1980 invasion. As the war took its toll on Iranian forces, the poorly trained Basij were deployed alongside the regular Iranian military. 
They were often used in “human wave” tactics, in which they were deployed as cannon fodder or minesweepers, against Iraqi forces. Mobilization of Basij for the war-front peaked in December 1986, when some 100,000 volunteers were on the front. The Basij were often criticized for mobilizing child soldiers for the war effort and using children for “martyrdom” operations.
After the war ended in 1988, the Basij became heavily involved in post-war reconstruction. But their role increasingly shifted back to security as a political reform movement flowered in the late 1990s. The Basij became a policing tool for conservatives to check the push for personal freedoms, particularly among students and women. The Basij were mobilized in 1999 to put down anti-government student protests and to further marginalize the reform movement.
          Since the 2005 election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Basij interventions in politics have become more frequent. The Basij were pivotal in suppressing the anti-government protests after the disputed presidential election on June 12, 2009. Various branches of the Basij were mobilized to counter anti-government protests at high schools, universities, factories and on the street. Yet the Basij also performed poorly, as they were unable to suppress demonstrations through their local branches. The Iranian press reported that neighborhood Basij were not willing to beat up neighbors who protested against the election result by chanting “God is great” from their homes. Some Basij members at high schools and universities also reportedly deserted their assignments after commanders chiefs tried to mobilize them to intimidate, harass or beat up fellow students engaged in sit-ins and demonstrations against the election results. And many Basij members evaporated in the face of angry demonstrators in major population centers. Basij and IRGC commanders reported transporting Basij members from outside towns to counter dissidents as the local Basij members were not ready to act in their own neighborhoods or place of work.

Zahair Murad Design

The 72nd Golden Globe Awards, honoring the best in film and American television of 2014, was broadcast live from the Beverly Hilton Hotel in Beverly Hills, California on January 11, 2015, by NBC. The ceremony was produced by Dick Clark Productions in association with the Hollywood Foreign Press Association. Tina Fey and Amy Poehler were the co-hosts for the third consecutive and final time. The nominations were announced on December 11, 2014 by Kate Beckinsale, Peter Krause, Paula Patton and Jeremy Piven.The Affair, Birdman, Boyhood, Fargo, The Theory of Everything, and Transparent were among the films and television shows that received multiple awards. The Cecil B. DeMille Lifetime Achievement Award went to George Clooney.
Boyhood" and "The Grand Budapest Hotel" earned the top film prizes for drama and comedy or musical, respectively, at the Hollywood Foreign Press Assn.'s 72nd Golden Globe Awards on Sunday night.
"Boyhood," which tied "The Imitation Game" with five nominations, clinched three awards -- one for drama film, another for director Richard Linklater and a third for supporting actress Patricia Arquette.

"Birdman" and "The Imitation Game" had been among the top film contenders, with "Birdman" originally leading the pack with seven nominations. However, the film won only two awards: Michael Keaton claimed the prize for actor in a motion picture comedy or musical, and Alejandro G. Iñárritu, Nicolás Giacobone, Alexander Dinelaris and Armando Bo took home the trophy for screenplay.

Soccer Fans

When its players step on to AAMI Park to face Bahrain in their Asian Cup clash they will take inspiration from the fact that they are 250m from the ground where one of their country’s most famous sporting moments took place.
November 29, 1997 remains one of the most infamous nights in Australian sporting history, let alone Australian soccer history.
The MCG hosted the ­second leg of Australia’s 1998 World Cup playoff.
After drawing the first leg in Tehran 1-1, the Socceroos let slip a 2-0 lead in front of 85,513 stunned fans.
 
When its players step on to AAMI Park to face Bahrain in their Asian Cup clash they will take inspiration from the fact that they are 250m from the ground where one of their country’s most famous sporting moments took place.
November 29, 1997 remains one of the most infamous nights in Australian sporting history, let alone Australian soccer history.
The MCG hosted the ­second leg of Australia’s 1998 World Cup playoff.
After drawing the first leg in Tehran 1-1, the Socceroos let slip a 2-0 lead in front of 85,513 stunned fans.

Despite Australia’s entry to the Asian confederation in 2006, the Socceroos have not played against Iran since 1997.
Iran only played on Australian soil for the first time since in a friendly against Iraq in Sydney last week.

Stan Lazaridis started at left back against Iran in 1997 and said the ­memories were vivid.
“I think it was the first time we got close to 100,000 people at a soccer match in Australia, so that was a big feat in itself,” Lazaridis said.
“The whole game, being the emotional roller-coaster in ­itself, was something else.
“For us, we let it slip ... so many things happened on that night and even afterwards it was surreal. Everyone was ­distraught.
“But I’ve got us winning Group A and them winning their group, so that could see us playing them in a semi-final.”

 

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